Bosnian Refugee Life in America Essay Example for Free

Bosnian Refugee Life in America EssayThousands of refugees from Bosnia-Herzegovina hit fled to the linked States to assay protection from the ethnoreligious conflicts of the region. To best assist these families, helper providers must understand their wartime and migration experiences and their culture. The purpose of this article is to review the lit relevant to working with Bosnian Muslim refugees as well as to understand the uruque issues facing this universe. The authors gratify in Bosnian Muslim refugees is a personal one.Between 1992 and 2001, nearly 3,500 Bosnian refugees escaping ethnic cleaning and war migrated to Bowling Green, a sm on the whole city of 50,000 in rural southcentral Kentucky. The Bowling Green external Center has been a part of the local community since 1979 and actively works with the United States Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI). For much than 25 years, the center has assisted thousands of refugees of legion(predicate) subject a reaities in their migration to the United States and the local community.According to the centers director, Marty Deputy, Bosnians make up the largest percentage of refugees that have relocated to Bowling Green (personal communication, February 3, 2005). Deputy besides indicated that while Bosnian refugees have adapted well to the local community, they still face many challenges because of their experiences in Bosnia in addition to their integrating into a refreshed culture. One of the issues that continue to haunt many Bosnian refugees is post-traumatic underscorea sequel of war and genocide.Post-traumatic stress is particularly an issue for the adult wo manpower, who experienced the trauma of rape and sexual aggress as well as witnessing the murder of their children and spouses. According to Deputy (personal communication, February 3, 2005), social workers should approach Bosnian families and children with heathenish competence. If visiting a Bosnian home, for example, rem oving ones shoes when entering is a display of respect and sensitivity. A willingness to tipsiness a upstanding cup of Bosnian coffee is excessively appreciated. Social workers also must be sensitive about body words and speech tone.It is also serious not to assume that all Bosnians are alike. As with all cultures, there is tremendous variation in the Bosnian culture, along with case-by-case differences in personality and environ intellectual experiences. Bosnian Muslim Experiences in the War The 1991 census for Bosnia-Herzegovina shows that Muslims made up 43. 7% of the total population of 4. 3 million people. Serbs accounted for 31. 3% and Croats 17. 3% (Bringa, 1995). Serbs identified the Muslims majority population base in Bosnia-Herzegovina as its strategic strength (Cigar, 1995).In 1992, therefore, the Serbs declared war and began a crowd of ethnic cleansing to eradicate non-Serbs. The term ethnic cleansing stands for the form _or_ system of government of ridding an are a of an undesirable depicted object group to create a homogenous region it represents a type of genocide that is designed to afford terror (Friedman, 1996 Weine Laub, 1995). Serbias initial rationale for its policy was promulgated by the belief that the newly formed accede of Bosnia-Herzegovina would create national minorities of the Serb population and eventually destroy the Serb populace as a discrete and unmatched nation (Friedman, 1996).The prospect of acquiring material goods from the Muslimsland, livestock, houses, cars, and cashapparently was an additional powerful incentive for many Serbs (Cigar, 1995 Sells, 1998). The original Bosnian Serb population was drawn into a terror campaign of killing and mayhem so the non-Serbian populations would n ever return. This persecution ultimately led to more than one million Balkan refugees migrating to the United States and other countries. The types of experiences they endured in their mother country before emigrating dramatical ly influenced their initial adaptation to these new environments. Resettlement and Adaptation IssuesAs difficult as the war-related experiences were, migration to resettlement countries signaled a transition to new types of struggles for Bosnian refugees. Unlike immigrants who consecrate their homes for a variety of reasons, refugees leave in order to survive, and they face a new objectivem of stressors as they attempt to rebuild their lives in exile (Keyes, 2000 Worthington, 2001). Such stressors include difficult transit experiences culture shock adjustment problems related to language and occupational change and disruption in their sense of self, family, and community (Lipson, 1993 Worthington, 2001).Additionally, refugees leaving Bosnia-Herzegovina very much have suffered denary losses, such as severance from family and friends who have been left behind or killed, displacement from their homes and communities, social isolation, and the ill-timed death of their children. Suc h an accumulation of loss arsehole leave a sense of unresolved wo that can significantly impact mental health and future functioning capacity (Akhtar, 1992 Fullilove, 1996 Sundquist Johansson, 1996 Worthington, 2001).When refugees cross national boundaries seeking asylum, they typically find themselves in an alien social environment with norms that challenge their traditional patterns of family inter execute (Mayadas Segal, 2000). Most Bosnian refugees have a hierarchical familial power structure and clear map definitions in the homeland, authority was typically gender-based, with males maintaining instrumental subprograms and females fulfilling nurturing responsibilities.A traditional Bosnian womans commitment to her family includes observing nonindulgent codes of privacy and public silence on any issue that might bring shame on the family, such as family discord. For many women, this privacy mandate deters them from divulging details about marital strife or child mal sermo n by spouses to outsiders such as work colleagues, community members, and mental health professionals. Consequently, Bosnian female refugees continue to be caught between traditional role models prevalent throughout the former Yugoslavias venerable society in the 20th Century and the expectations of their new culture.The Bosnian familys patriarchal patterns of behavior tend to be challenged on arrival in the United States, particularly around work-related issues. Women are more likely than men to find jobs in the low-wage labor market, and in becoming the breadwinners exposed to the outside world, they risk upsetting a family equilibrium based on male authority (Mayadas Segal, 2000). For Bosnian men, key ethnic and social limit point markers of their lives had evaporated because of their grief over this, many seemed paralyzed in their attempt to move forward in their new life.Bosnian refugee children also face immense acculturation pressures (Mayadas Segal, 2000). They often are torn between the beliefs, customs, and value learned in their native culture and the often unrealistic expectations of the new one. The pressure to assimilate the cultural norms of their new country can be terrible and extremely stressful. Their parents often lack the material re acknowledgments and place upright systems to competently assist them in navigating the complex terrain of foreign school systems, pervasive racism, and intolerance (Mayadas Segal, 2000).Consequently, many timbre as if they are alone in a foreign, sometimes unforgiving new cultural milieu. To besides complicate the situation, family roles often reverse as children typically become more fluent in English faster and adapt more quickly to the customs of the new country (Potocky, 1996). Because children are thrust into the role of serving as the interpreters and negotiators of cultural norms for their parents, respect for the authority of elders is often undermined (Carlin, 1990 Drachman 1992).Even thoug h most teenagers in the United States feel a certain amount of intergenerational tension, the adolescents of refugees often experience the pull of two immensely different worlds those of their American peers and their parents (Mayadas Segal, 2000). They also feel subjected to the xenophobia of their American peers, who often ridicule others who they label as different. in-migration to the United States has provided Bosnian Muslim refugee families with many challenges as they struggle to adapt to their new lives.At starting time glance, their experiences may be similar to that of other immigrants, raising the familiar questions about how to perpetuate the faith of their forebears among their takings or how to best preserve cherished cultural practices (Yazbeck- Haddad Esposito, 2000). But there are some real differences. With the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington, DC, the potential for a xenophobic reception of Muslim immigrants an d refugees by Americans has intensified.For example, disputes over the building of mosques represent a key source of friction for most Westerners (Pipes Duran, 1993). era Bosnian Muslim families may encounter the same issues earlier generations of immigrants faced, they also are burdened with the question of whether their children will be accepted in the United States, and whether Islam can ever be recognized as a positive force that contributes to a pluralistic, multicultural nation (Yazbeck-Haddad Esposito, 2000). culturally Competent Practice with Bosnian MuslimsWhen working with Bosnian Muslim refugees, service providers need to learn as much as possible about their culture, particularly given the pivotal role that ethnoreligious identity has vie in their war-related experiences (Witmer Culver, 2001). Bosnian men and women tend to adhere to traditional gender roles connected with this issue is the intense stigma attached to the sexual violation of women. This stigma freque ntly led women to refrain from disclosing war rapes to their families (Witmer Culver, 2001).Bosnian Muslims typically act in ways that preserve the positive image of the familys identity, especially males, who see openly revealing vulnerability or suffering as a sign of great personal helplessness (Weine et al. , 1997). Family is the most important social structure across the urban and rural regions of Bosnia (Mojica-Castillo, 2001). Up until the 1970s, adult children ordinarily lived with their parents and multiple generations lived in the same house. But today, twoparent families predominate in this region with extended family members often life history nearby.A cluster of shoes can typically be found outside a Bosnian home (Mojica-Castillo, 2001). This is because it is customary to remove street shoes and leave them at the door. Bosnians maintain a strong social tradition of neighborliness. The drinking of strong coffee or the sharing of food, accompanied by the of the essen ce(p) element of lively conversation, is an important aspect of social life. Traditional music and folk dances are an important part of cultural celebrations.A basic principle of generalist social work is that practitioners need to be able to intervene on behalf of various systems, including individuals, families, orgaruzations, and communities. Additionally, the generalist social worker operates within an ecological model that attempts to improve coping patterns for a better match between the client systems needs and the characteristics of his or her environment. An authority approach to generalist practice assumes that clients can draw from existing competencies and reservoirs of strength.Empowerment indicates the intent and the processes of assisting client systems to snatch and expand the tools and resources around them (Furuto, 2004). Swift and Levin (1987) referred to potency as an evolution from dependence to independence and interdependence. Gutierrez (1990) described emp owerment as the process of increasing personal, interpersonal, or political power so that individuals can take action to improve their life situations (p. 140). The strengths perspective enhances the concept of empowerment with its focus on promoting healing.Healing implies both oneness and the inborn ability of the mind and body to resist and regenerate when faced with disruption, disorder, or disease (Furuto, 2004). heathen and religious identity may lead to discrimination when the refugee is seeking a job that requires interpolation on a more personal level. Long-term difficulty in finding a job that provides the family with adequate income may cause low self-esteem and family tension culminating in violence (Furuto Murase, 1992). Various system levels often must be addressed simultaneously (Mayadas Segal, 2000).Western thinking on designing comprehensive mental health services is mostly based on the individual as the primary system targeted for intervention hence, existing services tend to be designed for a North American population (Mooren Kleber, 1999). Furthermore, treatment of mental health disorders typically follows a medical model using talk therapy and drugs. Western theories also emphasize intrapersonal processes in isolation from the cultural context. The prevailing view that the responses to trauma are individual have-to doe with is in keeping with this tradition.Service providers must use the refugees own, indigenous cultural definitions of health and illness when do mental health assessments (Boothby, 1996 Wing Sue, Ivey, Pedersen, 1996). For example, a Bosnian client who had the Western diag nosis of major depression and post-traumatic stress disorder refused medication saying that there was nothing wrong with him that medications could fix, and insisted that the clinician understand that his current condition was a result of the wrongs that had been done to him, and not because of anything that was wrong with him (Weine Laub, 1995, p. 255).To address the issue of respecting the clients definition of the issue, Yuen (1999) promoted a more holistic biopsychosocial model of intervention when working with Bosnian children and their families hence, the importance of using an ethnically sensitive ecological modeling becomes a second principle of culturally competent practice. A third principle is to respect the indigenous strengths and resources within Bosnians that empower them to cope with their own experiences.Chow Yuen (2000) noted the necessity for an empowerment and capacity building model where refugees become partners in the design and elivery of services within their community. Efforts to design and deliver human service programs should include using indigenous Bosnian religious and cultural organizations, as well as self-help groups (Chow Yuen, 2000). closing curtain After Bosnians flee their homeland, they need protection in the asylum country. This necessitates supportive policies and macrolevel int ervention competence. The main policy that guides refugee resettlement in the United States is Public Law 96-212, the Refugee Act of 1980 (Mayadas Segal, 2000).Based on the goal of component refugees achieve economic self-sufficiency as quickly as possible, the act defines self-sufficiency as not receiving welfare benefits (Potocky, 1996). As such, this policy may be ineffective in helping refugees to settle in an optimal manner. To become truly self-sufficient, service providers need to redefine success in more forward ways, such as helping refugees to effectively deal with resettlement issues relating to acculturation, psychological trauma, and intergenerational conflictall of which can impede long-term economic self-sufficiency.This new goal requires adequate fiscal resources to develop programs and engage in active community outreach (Mayadas Segal, 2000). Social services must aspire to restore the psychological health and gravitas of these families and children, who have s een the worst side of human nature. Helping them establish a positive self-image is critical to their success. While the genocide of family members and violent acts can never be forgotten, surrounding Bosnian Muslim refugees with a web of positive, supportive services can help them establish a solid foothold in the United States.